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WIKIMAG n. 6 - Maggio 2013
Margaret Thatcher
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Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher,
LG
OM
PC
FRS (née Roberts, 13 October 1925 – 8 April 2013)
was a British politician who was the
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1990 and the
Leader of the Conservative Party from 1975 to 1990. She was the
longest-serving British Prime Minister of the 20th century and is
the only woman to have held the office. A
Soviet journalist called her the "Iron
Lady", a nickname that became associated with her uncompromising
politics and leadership style. As Prime Minister, she implemented
policies that have come to be known as
Thatcherism.
Originally a research
chemist before becoming a
barrister, Thatcher was elected
Member of Parliament (MP) for
Finchley in
1959.
Edward Heath appointed her
Secretary of State for Education and Science in his
1970 government. In 1975, Thatcher defeated Heath in the
Conservative Party leadership election to become
Leader of the Opposition and became the first woman to lead a
major political party in the United Kingdom. She became Prime
Minister after winning the
1979 general election.
Upon moving into
10 Downing Street, Thatcher introduced a series of
political and economic initiatives intended to reverse high
unemployment and Britain's struggles in the wake of the
Winter of Discontent and an ongoing recession.[nb
1] Her political philosophy and economic policies
emphasised
deregulation (particularly of the financial sector), flexible
labour markets, the privatisation of
state-owned companies, and reducing the power and influence of
trade unions. Thatcher's popularity during her first years in office
waned amid recession and high unemployment until the 1982
Falklands War brought a resurgence of support, resulting in her
re-election in 1983.
Thatcher was re-elected for a third term
in 1987. During this period her support for a
Community Charge (popularly referred to as "poll tax") was
widely unpopular and her views on the
European Community were not shared by others in her Cabinet. She
resigned as Prime Minister and party leader in November 1990, after
Michael Heseltine launched a
challenge to her leadership. After retiring from the
Commons in 1992, she was given a
life peerage as Baroness Thatcher, of
Kesteven in the County of
Lincolnshire, which entitled her to sit in the
House of Lords. After a series of small strokes in 2002 she was
advised to withdraw from public speaking, and in 2013 she died of
another stroke in London at the age of 87.
Early
life and education
Margaret Thatcher's birthplace, in
Grantham, above her father's former grocery
store
Commemorative plaque at Thatcher's birthplace
Thatcher was born Margaret Hilda Roberts in
Grantham,
Lincolnshire, on 13 October 1925. Her father was
Alfred Roberts, originally from Northamptonshire, and her mother
was Beatrice Ethel (née Stephenson) from Lincolnshire.
She spent her childhood in Grantham, where her father owned two
grocery shops.[3]
She and her older sister Muriel (1921-2004) were raised in the flat
above the larger of the two, on North Parade near the railway line.[3]
Her father was active in local politics and the
Methodist church, serving as an
alderman and a
local preacher,[4]
and brought up his daughter as a strict
Wesleyan Methodist[5]
attending the
Finkin Street Methodist Church. He came from a
Liberal family but stood—as was then customary in local
government—as an
Independent. He was Mayor of Grantham in 1945–46 and lost his
position as alderman in 1952 after the
Labour Party won its first majority on Grantham Council in 1950.[4]
Margaret Roberts attended Huntingtower Road Primary School and
won a scholarship to
Kesteven and Grantham Girls' School.[6]
Her school reports showed hard work and continual improvement; her
extracurricular activities included the piano, field hockey, poetry
recitals, swimming and walking.[7]
She was
head girl in 1942–43.[9]
In her
upper sixth year she applied for a scholarship to study
chemistry at
Somerville College, Oxford, but she was initially rejected and
was offered a place only after another candidate withdrew.[11]
She arrived at Oxford in 1943 and graduated in 1947 with
Second-Class Honours in the four-year Chemistry Bachelor of
Science degree; in her final year she specialised in
X-ray crystallography under the supervision of
Dorothy Hodgkin.
Roberts became President of the
Oxford University Conservative Association in 1946.
She was influenced at university by political works such as
Friedrich von Hayek's
The Road to Serfdom (1944),
which condemned economic intervention by government as a precursor
to an authoritarian state.
After graduating, Roberts moved to
Colchester in Essex to work as a research chemist for
BX Plastics.[18]
In 1948, she applied for a job at
ICI, but was rejected after the personnel department assessed
her as "headstrong, obstinate and dangerously self-opinionated".[19]
She joined the local Conservative Association and attended the
party conference at
Llandudno in 1948, as a representative of the University
Graduate Conservative Association.[20]
One of her Oxford friends was also a friend of the Chair of the
Dartford Conservative Association in
Kent,
who were looking for candidates.[20]
Officials of the association were so impressed by her that they
asked her to apply, even though she was not on the Conservative
party's approved list: she was selected in January 1951, at age
twenty-five, and added to the approved list post ante.[21]
At a dinner following her formal adoption as Conservative candidate
for Dartford in February 1951 she met
Denis Thatcher, a successful and wealthy divorced businessman,
who drove her to her Essex train.[20][21]
In preparation for the election Roberts moved to Dartford, where she
supported herself by working as a research chemist for
J. Lyons and Co. in Hammersmith, part of a team developing
emulsifiers for
ice cream.[20][22]
Early
political career
In the
1950 and
1951 general elections, she was the Conservative candidate for
the safe Labour seat of
Dartford, where she attracted media attention as the youngest
and the only female candidate.[23][24]
She lost both times to
Norman Dodds, but reduced the Labour majority by 6,000, and then
a further 1,000.[23]
During the campaigns, she was supported by her parents and by Denis
Thatcher, whom she married in December 1951.[23][25]
Denis funded his wife's studies for the
bar;[26]
she qualified as a barrister in 1953 and specialised in taxation.[27]
That same year, their twins,
Carol and
Mark, were born.[28]
Member of Parliament (1959–1970)
Thatcher was not a candidate in the
1955 general election as it came fairly soon after the birth of
her children. In 1954, she was narrowly defeated when she sought
selection as the candidate for the
Orpington by-election of January 1955.[28]
Afterwards, she began looking for a Conservative
safe seat and was selected as the candidate for
Finchley in April 1958 (narrowly beating
Ian Montagu Fraser). She was elected as MP for the seat after a
hard campaign in the
1959 election.[29]
Her
maiden speech was in support of her
private member's bill (Public
Bodies (Admission to Meetings) Act 1960), requiring local
authorities to hold their council meetings in public.[30]
In 1961 she went against the Conservative Party's official position
by voting for the restoration of
birching as a
judicial corporal punishment.[31]
She regarded Finchley's Jewish residents as "her people" and became
a founding member of the Anglo-Israel Friendship League of Finchley
as well as a member of the Conservative Friends of Israel.[32]
She also believed Israel had to trade land for peace, and condemned
Israel's 1981 bombing of
Osirak as "a grave breach of international law".[32]
In October 1961 Thatcher was promoted to the front bench as
Parliamentary Undersecretary at the Ministry of Pensions and
National Insurance in
Harold Macmillan's administration.[33]
After the Conservatives lost the
1964 election she became spokeswoman on Housing and Land, in
which position she advocated her party's policy of allowing tenants
to buy their
council houses.[34]
She moved to the Shadow
Treasury team in 1966 and, as Treasury spokeswoman, opposed
Labour's mandatory price and income controls, arguing that they
would produce effects contrary to those intended and distort the
economy.[34]
At the Conservative Party Conference of 1966 she criticised the
high-tax policies of the Labour Government as being steps "not only
towards Socialism, but towards Communism".[34]
She argued that lower taxes served as an incentive to hard work.[34]
Thatcher was one of the few Conservative MPs to support
Leo
Abse's Bill to decriminalise male homosexuality.[35]
She voted in favour of
David Steel's bill to legalise abortion,[37]
as well as a ban on
hare coursing.[38]
She supported the retention of capital punishment[39]
and voted against the relaxation of divorce laws.[40]
In 1967, she was selected by the
United States Embassy in London to take part in the
International Visitor Leadership Program (then called the
Foreign Leader Program), a professional exchange programme that gave
her the opportunity to spend about six weeks visiting various US
cities and political figures as well as institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund.[42]
Later that year Thatcher joined the
Shadow Cabinet, where she was appointed Fuel and Power spokesman
by opposition leader Edward Heath.[43]
Shortly before the
1970 general election, she was promoted to Shadow Transport
spokesman and later to Education.[44]
Education Secretary and Cabinet Minister (1970–1974)
The Conservative party under Edward Heath won the 1970 general
election, and Thatcher was subsequently appointed to the
Cabinet as
Secretary of State for Education and Science. During her first
months in office she attracted public attention as a result of the
administration's attempts to cut spending. She gave priority to
academic needs in schools.[45]
She imposed public expenditure cuts on the state education system,
resulting in the abolition of free milk for schoolchildren aged
seven to eleven.[46]
She held that few children would suffer if schools were charged for
milk, but she agreed to provide younger children with a third of a
pint daily, for nutritional purposes.[46]
Cabinet papers later revealed that she opposed the policy but had
been forced into it by the Treasury.[47]
Her decision provoked a storm of protest from Labour and the press.[48]
leading to the moniker "Margaret Thatcher, Milk Snatcher".[46][49]
She reportedly considered leaving politics in the aftermath and
would later write in her autobiography: "I learned a valuable lesson
[from the experience]. I had incurred the maximum of political odium
for the minimum of political benefit."[48][50]
Thatcher's term of office was marked by proposals for more local
education authorities to close
grammar schools and to adopt
comprehensive secondary education. Although she was committed to
a tiered
secondary modern-grammar school system of education and was
determined to preserve grammar schools,[45]
during her tenure as Education Secretary she turned down only 326 of
3,612 proposals for schools to become comprehensives; the proportion
of pupils attending comprehensive schools consequently rose from
32 per cent to 62 per cent.[51]
Leader of the Opposition (1975–1979)
The Heath government continued to experience difficulties with
oil embargoes and union demands for wage increases in 1973 and
lost the
February 1974 general election.[48]
Labour formed a minority government and went on to win a narrow
majority in the
October 1974 general election. Heath's
leadership of the Conservative Party looked increasingly in
doubt. Thatcher was not initially the obvious replacement, but she
eventually became the main challenger, promising a fresh start.[52]
Her main support came from the Conservative
1922 Committee.[52]
She
defeated Heath on the first ballot and he resigned the
leadership.[53]
In the second ballot she defeated Heath's preferred successor,
William Whitelaw, and became party leader and
Leader of the Opposition on 11 February 1975;[54]
she appointed Whitelaw as her deputy. Heath remained disenchanted
with Thatcher to the end of his life, for what he and many of his
supporters perceived as her disloyalty in standing against him.[55]
Thatcher began to attend lunches regularly at the
Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a think tank founded by the
poultry magnate
Antony Fisher, a disciple of
Friedrich von Hayek; she had been visiting the IEA and reading
its publications since the early 1960s. There she was influenced by
the ideas of
Ralph Harris and
Arthur Seldon, and she became the face of the ideological
movement opposing the
welfare state.
Keynesian economics, they believed, was weakening Britain. The
institute's pamphlets proposed less government, lower taxes, and
more freedom for business and consumers.[56]
The television critic
Clive James, writing in
The Observer during the voting for the leadership, compared
her voice of 1973 to a cat sliding down a blackboard.[nb
2] Thatcher had already begun to work on her presentation
on the advice of
Gordon Reece, a former television producer. By chance Reece met
the actor
Laurence Olivier, who arranged lessons with the
National Theatre's voice coach.[57][58]
Thatcher succeeded in completely suppressing her Lincolnshire
dialect except when under stress, notably after provocation from
Denis Healey in the House of Commons in April 1983, when she
accused the Labour front bench of being
frit.[59][60]
On 19 January 1976 Thatcher made a speech in Kensington Town Hall
in which she made a scathing attack on the Soviet Union:
The Russians are bent on world dominance, and they are
rapidly acquiring the means to become the most powerful
imperial nation the world has seen. The men in the Soviet
Politburo do not have to worry about the ebb and flow of
public opinion. They put guns before butter, while we put
just about everything before guns. [61]
In response, the
Soviet Defence Ministry newspaper
Krasnaya Zvezda (Red Star) called her the "Iron
Lady,"[61]
a sobriquet she gladly adopted.
Margaret Thatcher wanted to prevent the creation of a Scottish
assembly. She told Conservative MPs to vote against the Scotland and
Wales Bill in December 1976, which was defeated, and then when new
Bills were proposed she supported amending the legislation to allow
the English to vote in the
1979 referendum on devolution.[62]
In mid-1978, the economy began to improve and opinion polls
showed Labour in the lead, with a general election being expected
later that year and a Labour win a serious possibility. Prime
Minister
James Callaghan surprised many by announcing on 7 September that
there would be no general election that year and he would wait until
1979 before going to the polls. Thatcher reacted to this by branding
the Labour government as "chickens", and
Liberal Party leader
David Steel joined in, criticising Labour for "running scared".[63]
The Labour government then faced fresh public unease about the
direction of the country and a damaging series of strikes during the
winter of 1978–79, dubbed the "Winter
of Discontent". The Conservatives attacked the Labour
government's unemployment record, using advertising with the slogan
Labour Isn't Working. A
general election was called after James Callaghan's government
lost a
motion of no confidence in early 1979. The Conservatives won a
44-seat majority in the House of Commons, and Margaret Thatcher
became the UK's first female Prime Minister.
Prime Minister (1979–1990)
Thatcher became Prime Minister on 4 May 1979. Arriving at 10
Downing Street, she said, in a paraphrase of the "Prayer
of Saint Francis":
Where there is discord, may we bring harmony. Where there is
error, may we bring truth. Where there is doubt, may we
bring faith. And where there is despair, may we bring hope. [64]
Domestic affairs
Thatcher was Leader of the Opposition and Prime Minister at a
time of increased racial tension in Britain. Commenting on the
local elections of May 1977,
The Economist noted "The Tory tide swamped the smaller
parties. That specifically includes the
National Front, which suffered a clear decline from last year".[65][66]
Her standing in the polls rose by 11 percent after a January 1978
interview for
World in Action in which she said "the British character has
done so much for democracy, for law and done so much throughout the
world that if there is any fear that it might be swamped people are
going to react and be rather hostile to those coming in."; and "in
many ways [minorities] add to the richness and variety of this
country. The moment the minority threatens to become a big one,
people get frightened."[67][68]
In the 1979 general election, the Conservatives attracted voters
from the National Front, whose support almost collapsed.[69][70]
In a meeting in July 1979 with the
Foreign Secretary
Lord Carrington and
Home Secretary
William Whitelaw she objected to the number of Asian immigrants,[71]
in the context of limiting the number of
Vietnamese boat people allowed to settle in the UK to fewer than
10,000.
As Prime Minister, Thatcher met weekly with
Queen Elizabeth II to discuss government business, and their
relationship came under close scrutiny.
In July 1986,
The Sunday Times reported claims attributed to the Queen's
advisers of a "rift" between
Buckingham Palace and
Downing Street "over a wide range of domestic and international
issues".[74][75]
The Palace issued an official denial, heading off speculation about
a possible constitutional crisis.[75]
After Thatcher's retirement a senior Palace source again dismissed
as "nonsense" the "stereotyped idea" that she had not got along with
the Queen, or that they had fallen out over Thatcherite policies.[76]
Thatcher later wrote: "I always found the Queen's attitude towards
the work of the Government absolutely correct ... stories of clashes
between 'two powerful women' were just too good not to make up."
In August 1989, Thatcher queried her government's response to the
Taylor Report, writing a hand-written comment on a Downing
Street briefing note: "The broad thrust is devastating criticism of
the police. Is that for us to welcome? Surely we welcome the
thoroughness of the report and its recommendations?"[78]
During her time in office, Thatcher practised great frugality in
her official residence, including insisting on paying for her own
ironing-board.[79]
Economy and
taxation
Thatcher's economic policy was influenced by
monetarist thinking and economists such as
Milton Friedman and
Alan Walters.[80]
Together with
Chancellor of the Exchequer
Geoffrey Howe, she lowered direct taxes on income and increased
indirect taxes.[81]
She increased interest rates to slow the growth of the money supply
and thereby lower inflation,[80]
introduced cash limits on public spending, and reduced expenditure
on social services such as education and housing.[81]
Her cuts in higher education spending resulted in her being the
first Oxford-educated post-war Prime Minister not to be awarded an
honorary doctorate by the University of Oxford, after a 738 to 319
vote of the governing assembly and a student petition.[82]
Her new centrally funded
City Technology Colleges did not enjoy much success, and the
Funding Agency for Schools was set up to control expenditure by
opening and closing schools; the
Social Market Foundation, a centre-left think tank, described it
as having "an extraordinary range of dictatorial powers".
Some Heathite Conservatives in the Cabinet, the so-called "wets",
expressed doubt over Thatcher's policies.[86]
The
1981 riots in England resulted in the British media discussing
the need for a policy U-turn. At the 1980 Conservative Party
conference, Thatcher addressed the issue directly, with a speech
written by the playwright
Ronald Millar
that included the lines: "You turn if you want to.
The lady's not for turning!"[86]
Thatcher's job approval rating fell to 23 per cent by December
1980, lower than recorded for any previous Prime Minister.[88]
As the
recession of the early 1980s deepened she increased taxes,[89]
despite concerns expressed in a statement signed by 364 leading
economists issued towards the end of March 1981.[90]
By 1982 the UK began to experience signs of economic recovery;
inflation was down to 8.6 per cent from a high of 18 per cent, but
unemployment was over 3 million for the first time since the 1930s.[92]
By 1983 overall economic growth was stronger and inflation and
mortgage rates were at their lowest levels since 1970, although
manufacturing output had dropped by 30 per cent since 1978[93]
and unemployment remained high, peaking at 3.3 million in 1984.[94]
By 1987, unemployment was falling, the economy was stable and
strong, and inflation was low. Opinion polls showed a comfortable
Conservative lead, and
local council election results had also been successful,
prompting Thatcher to call a general election for 11 June that year,
despite the deadline for an election still being 12 months away. The
election saw Thatcher re-elected for a third successive term.[95]
Throughout the 1980s revenue from the 90 per cent tax on
North Sea oil extraction was used as a short-term funding source
to balance the economy and pay the costs of reform.
Thatcher reformed local government taxes by replacing
domestic rates—a tax based on the nominal rental value of a
home—with the
Community Charge (or poll tax) in which the same amount was
charged to each adult resident.[97]
The new tax was introduced in Scotland in 1989 and in England and
Wales the following year,[98]
and proved to be among the most unpopular policies of her
premiership.[97]
Public disquiet culminated in a 70,000 to 200,000-strong
[99] demonstration in London on 31 March 1990; the
demonstration around
Trafalgar Square deteriorated into the
Poll Tax Riots, leaving 113 people injured and 340 under arrest.[100]
The Community Charge was abolished by her successor,
John Major.[100]
Industrial
relations
Thatcher was committed to reducing the power of the
trade unions, whose leadership she accused of undermining
parliamentary democracy and economic performance through strike
action.
Several unions launched strikes in response to legislation
introduced to curb their power, but resistance eventually collapsed.[102]
Only 39% of union members voted for Labour in the 1983 general
election.[103]
According to the BBC, Thatcher "managed to destroy the power of the
trade unions for almost a generation".[104]
The
miners' strike was the biggest confrontation between the unions
and the Thatcher government. In March 1984 the
National Coal Board (NCB) proposed to close 20 of the
174 state-owned mines and cut 20,000 jobs out of 187,000.[105][106][107]
Two-thirds of the country's miners, led by the
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) under
Arthur Scargill, downed tools in protest.[105][108][109]
Scargill had refused to hold a ballot on the strike,[110]
having previously lost three ballots on a national strike (January
1982, October 1982, March 1983).[111]
This led to the strike being declared illegal.[112][113]
Thatcher refused to meet the union's demands and compared the
miners' dispute to the Falklands conflict two years earlier,
declaring in a speech in 1984: "We had to fight the enemy without in
the Falklands. We always have to be aware of the enemy within, which
is much more difficult to fight and more dangerous to liberty."[114]
After a year out on strike, in March 1985, the NUM leadership
conceded without a deal. The cost to the economy was estimated to be
at least £1.5 billion, and the strike was blamed for much of the
pound's fall against the
US dollar.[115]
The government closed 25 unprofitable coal mines in 1985, and by
1992 a total of 97 had been closed;[107]
those that remained were privatised in 1994.[116]
The eventual closure of 150 coal mines, not all of which were losing
money, resulted in the loss of tens of thousands of jobs and
devastated entire communities.[107][117]
Miners had helped bring down the Heath government, and Thatcher was
determined to succeed where he had failed. Her strategy of preparing
fuel stocks, appointing a union-busting NCB leader in
Ian MacGregor, and ensuring police were adequately trained and
equipped with riot gear, contributed to her victory.[118]
The number of stoppages across the UK peaked at 4583 in 1979,
when more than 29 million working days were lost. In 1984, the year
of the miners' strike, there were 1221, resulting in the loss of
more than 27 million working days. Stoppages then fell steadily
throughout the rest of Thatcher's premiership; in 1990 there were
630 and fewer than 2 million working days lost, and they continued
to fall thereafter.[119]
Trade union membership also fell, from 13.5 million in 1979 to fewer
than 10 million by the time Thatcher left office in 1990.[120]
Privatisation
The policy of
privatisation has been called "a crucial ingredient of
Thatcherism".[121]
After the 1983 election the sale of state utilities accelerated;[122]
more than £29 billion was raised from the sale of nationalised
industries, and another £18 billion from the sale of council houses.[123]
The process of privatisation, especially the preparation of
nationalised industries for privatisation, was associated with
marked improvements in performance, particularly in terms of
labour productivity.[124]
Some of the privatised industries, including gas, water, and
electricity, were
natural monopolies for which privatisation involved little
increase in competition. The privatised industries that demonstrated
improvement often did so while still under state ownership.
British Steel, for instance, made great gains in profitability
while still a nationalised industry under the government-appointed
chairmanship of Ian MacGregor, who faced down trade-union opposition
to close plants and reduce the workforce by half.[125]
Regulation was also significantly expanded to compensate for the
loss of direct government control, with the foundation of regulatory
bodies like
Ofgas,
Oftel
and the
National Rivers Authority.[126]
There was no clear pattern to the degree of competition, regulation,
and performance among the privatised industries;[124]
in most cases privatisation benefitted consumers in terms of lower
prices and improved efficiency, but the results overall were
"mixed".[127]
Thatcher always resisted rail privatisation and was said to have
told
Transport Secretary
Nicholas Ridley "Railway privatisation will be the Waterloo of
this government. Please never mention the railways to me again."
Shortly before her resignation, she accepted the arguments for
privatising
British Rail, which her successor John Major implemented in
1994.[128]
The Economist later considered the move to have been "a
disaster".[127]
The privatisation of public assets was combined with
financial deregulation in an attempt to fuel economic growth.
Geoffrey Howe abolished Britain's exchange controls in 1979,
allowing more capital to be invested in foreign markets, and the
Big Bang of 1986 removed many restrictions on the
London Stock Exchange. The Thatcher government encouraged growth
in the finance and service sectors to compensate for Britain's
ailing manufacturing industry.
Northern Ireland
In 1980 and 1981,
Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and
Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners in Northern
Ireland's
Maze Prison carried out
hunger strikes in an effort to regain the status of political
prisoners that had been removed in 1976 by the preceding Labour
government.[129]
Bobby Sands began the 1981 strike, saying that he would fast
until death unless prison inmates won concessions over their living
conditions.[129]
Thatcher refused to countenance a return to political status for the
prisoners, declaring "Crime is crime is crime; it is not political",[129]
but nevertheless the UK government privately contacted republican
leaders in a bid to bring the hunger strikes to an end.[130]
After the deaths of Sands and nine others, some rights were restored
to paramilitary prisoners, but not official recognition of their
political status.[131]
Violence in Northern Ireland escalated significantly during the
hunger strikes; in 1982
Sinn Féin politician
Danny Morrison described Thatcher as "the biggest bastard we
have ever known".[132]
Thatcher narrowly escaped injury in an IRA
assassination attempt at a Brighton hotel early in the morning
on 12 October 1984.[133]
Five people were killed, including the wife of Cabinet Minister
John Wakeham. Thatcher was staying at the hotel to attend the
Conservative Party Conference, which she insisted should open as
scheduled the following day.[133]
She delivered her speech as planned,[134]
a move that was widely supported across the political spectrum and
enhanced her popularity with the public.[135]
On 6 November 1981 Thatcher and Irish
Taoiseach
Garret FitzGerald had established the Anglo-Irish
Inter-Governmental Council, a forum for meetings between the two
governments.[131]
On 15 November 1985, Thatcher and FitzGerald signed the Hillsborough
Anglo-Irish Agreement, the first time a British government had
given the Republic of Ireland an advisory role in the governance of
Northern Ireland. In protest the
Ulster Says No movement attracted 100,000 to a rally in Belfast,[136]
Ian
Gow resigned as
Minister of State in the
HM Treasury,[137][138]
and all fifteen Unionist MPs resigned their parliamentary seats;
only one was not returned in the subsequent
by-elections on 23 January 1986.[139]
Foreign affairs
The Thatchers with the Reagans standing at the North
Portico of the
White House before a state dinner, 16 November 1988
Thatcher took office during the
Cold War and became closely aligned with the policies of
United States President
Ronald Reagan, based on their shared distrust of Communism,[102]
although she strongly opposed Reagan's October 1983
invasion of Grenada.[140]
Reagan had assured Thatcher that an invasion was not contemplated,
and thereafter Thatcher felt she could never fully trust Reagan
again.[141]
During her first year as Prime Minister she supported
NATO's
decision to deploy US nuclear
cruise and
Pershing missiles in Western Europe[102]
and permitted the US to station more than 160 cruise missiles at
RAF Greenham Common, starting on 14 November 1983 and triggering
mass protests by the
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.[102]
She bought the
Trident nuclear missile submarine system from the US to replace
Polaris, tripling the UK's nuclear forces[142]
at an eventual cost of more than £12 billion (at 1996–97 prices).[143]
Thatcher's preference for defence ties with the US was demonstrated
in the
Westland affair of January 1986, when she acted with colleagues
to allow the struggling helicopter manufacturer
Westland to refuse a takeover offer from the Italian firm
Agusta
in favour of the management's preferred option, a link with
Sikorsky Aircraft Corporation. The UK Defence Secretary,
Michael Heseltine, who had supported the Agusta deal, resigned
in protest.
On 2 April 1982 the ruling
military junta in Argentina ordered the invasion of the
British-controlled
Falkland Islands and
South Georgia, triggering the
Falklands War.[145]
The subsequent crisis was "a defining moment of her [Thatcher's]
premiership".[146]
At the suggestion of
Harold Macmillan and
Robert Armstrong,[146]
she set up and chaired a small
War Cabinet (formally called ODSA, Overseas and Defence
committee, South Atlantic) to take charge of the conduct of the war,[147]
which by 5–6 April had authorised and dispatched a naval task force
to retake the islands.
Argentina surrendered on 14 June and the operation was hailed a
success, notwithstanding the deaths of 255 British servicemen and
3 Falkland Islanders. Argentinian deaths totalled 649, half of them
after the nuclear-powered submarine
HMS Conqueror torpedoed and sank the cruiser
ARA General Belgrano on 2 May.[149]
Thatcher was criticised for the neglect of the Falklands' defence
that led to the war, and notably by
Tam Dalyell in parliament for the decision to sink the
General Belgrano, but overall she was considered a highly
capable and committed war leader.
The "Falklands factor", an economic recovery beginning early in
1982, and a bitterly divided opposition contributed to Thatcher's
second election victory in
1983.[151]
Thatcher often referred after the war to the "Falklands Spirit";
Hastings and Jenkins (1983) suggested that this reflected her
preference for the streamlined decision-making of her War Cabinet
over the painstaking deal-making of peace-time
cabinet government.
In September 1982 she visited
China
to discuss with
Deng Xiaoping the
sovereignty of Hong Kong after 1997. China was the first
communist state Thatcher had visited and she was the first British
prime minister to visit China. Throughout their meeting, she sought
the PRC's agreement to a continued British presence in the
territory. Deng stated clearly the PRC's sovereignty on Hong Kong
was non-negotiable, but he was willing to settle the sovereignty
issue with Britain through formal negotiations, and both governments
promised to maintain Hong Kong's stability and prosperity.[153]
After the two-year negotiations, Thatcher made concession to the PRC
government and signed the
Sino-British Joint Declaration in Beijing in December 1984,
handing over Hong Kong's sovereignty in 1997.
Although saying that she was in favour of "peaceful negotiations"
to end
apartheid,[154]
Thatcher stood against the sanctions imposed on
South Africa by the
Commonwealth and the
EC.[155]
She attempted to preserve trade with South Africa while persuading
the regime there to abandon apartheid. This included "[c]asting
herself as President
Botha's candid friend", and inviting him to visit the UK in June
1984, in spite of the "inevitable demonstrations" against his
regime.
Thatcher, on the other hand, dismissed the
African National Congress (ANC) in October 1987 as "a typical
terrorist organisation".[157]
The Thatcher government supported the
Khmer Rouge keeping their seat in the
UN after they were ousted from power in Cambodia by the
Cambodian–Vietnamese War. Although denying it at the time they
also sent the
SAS to train the non-Communist members of the
CGDK to fight against the Vietnamese-backed
People's Republic of Kampuchea government.[159][160]
Thatcher's antipathy towards
European integration became more pronounced during her
premiership, particularly after her third election victory in 1987.
During a 1988 speech in
Bruges
she outlined her opposition to proposals from the European Community
(EC), forerunner of the
European Union, for a federal structure and increased
centralisation of decision making.[161]
Thatcher and her party had supported British membership of the EC in
the
1975 national referendum,[162]
but she believed that the role of the organisation should be limited
to ensuring free trade and effective competition, and feared that
the EC's approach was at odds with her views on smaller government
and deregulation;[163]
in 1988, she remarked, "We have not successfully rolled back the
frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a
European level, with a European super-state exercising a new
dominance from Brussels".[163]
Thatcher was firmly opposed to the UK's membership of the
Exchange Rate Mechanism, a precursor to European monetary union,
believing that it would constrain the British economy,[164]
despite the urging of her
Chancellor of the Exchequer
Nigel Lawson and Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe,
but she was persuaded by John Major to join in October 1990, at what
proved to be too high a rate.
Thatcher with Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife,
Raisa, at the Soviet Embassy in London, 1 April 1989
In April 1986, Thatcher permitted US
F-111s to use
Royal Air Force bases for the
bombing of Libya in retaliation for the alleged
Libyan bombing of a Berlin discothèque,[167]
citing the right of self-defence under
Article 51 of the UN Charter.[168][nb
3] Polls suggested that fewer than one in three British
citizens approved of Thatcher's decision.[170]
She was in the US on a state visit when Iraqi leader
Saddam Hussein invaded neighbouring
Kuwait
in August 1990.[171]
During her talks with US President
George H. W. Bush, who had succeeded Reagan in 1989, she
recommended intervention,[171]
and put pressure on Bush to deploy troops in the Middle East to
drive the
Iraqi Army out of Kuwait.[172]
Bush was somewhat apprehensive about the plan, prompting Thatcher to
remark to him during a telephone conversation that "This was no time
to go wobbly!"[173]
Thatcher's government provided military forces to the international
coalition in the build-up to the
Gulf War, but she had resigned by the time hostilities began on
17 January 1991.
Thatcher was one of the first Western leaders to respond warmly
to reformist Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev. Following Reagan–Gorbachev summit meetings
and reforms enacted by Gorbachev in the USSR, she declared in
November 1988 that "We're not in a Cold War now", but rather in a
"new relationship much wider than the Cold War ever was".[174]
She went on a state visit to the Soviet Union in 1984 and met with
Gorbachev and
Nikolai Ryzhkov, the
Chairman of the
Council of Ministers.[175]
Thatcher was initially opposed to
German reunification, telling Gorbachev that it "would lead to a
change to postwar borders, and we cannot allow that because such a
development would undermine the stability of the whole international
situation and could endanger our security". She expressed concern
that a united Germany would align itself more closely with the
Soviet Union and move away from NATO.[176]
In contrast she was an advocate of
Croatian and
Slovenian independence.[177]
In a 1991 interview for
Croatian Radiotelevision, Thatcher commented on the
Yugoslav Wars; she was critical of Western governments for not
recognising the breakaway republics of Croatia and Slovenia as
independent states and supplying them with arms after the
Serbian-led
Yugoslav Army attacked.[178]
Challenges to leadership and resignation
Thatcher was challenged for the leadership of the Conservative
Party by the little-known backbench MP Sir
Anthony Meyer in the
1989 leadership election.[179]
Of the 374 Conservative MPs eligible to vote, 314 voted for Thatcher
and 33 for Meyer.[179]
Her supporters in the party viewed the result as a success, and
rejected suggestions that there was discontent within the party.[179]
During her premiership Thatcher had the second-lowest average
approval rating, at 40 percent, of any post-war Prime Minister.
Polls consistently showed that she was less popular than her party.[180]
A self-described conviction politician, Thatcher always insisted
that she did not care about her poll ratings, pointing instead to
her unbeaten election record.[181]
Opinion polls in September 1990 reported that Labour had
established a 14% lead over the Conservatives,[182]
and by November the Conservatives had been trailing Labour for
18 months.[180]
These ratings, together with Thatcher's combative personality and
willingness to override colleagues' opinions, contributed to
discontent within the Conservative party.[183]
On 1 November 1990
Geoffrey Howe, the last remaining member of Thatcher's original
1979 cabinet, resigned from his position as
Deputy Prime Minister over her refusal to agree to a timetable
for Britain to join the
European Exchange Rate Mechanism.[182][184]
In his resignation speech on 13 November, Howe commented on
Thatcher's European stance: "It is rather like sending your opening
batsmen to the crease only for them to find the moment that the
first balls are bowled that their bats have been broken before the
game by the team captain."[185]
His resignation was fatal to Thatcher's premiership.[186]
The next day,
Michael Heseltine mounted a challenge for the leadership of the
Conservative Party.[187]
Opinion polls had indicated that he would give the Conservatives a
national lead over Labour.[188]
Although Thatcher won the first ballot, Heseltine attracted
sufficient support (152 votes) to force a second ballot. Under party
rules, Thatcher not only needed to win a majority, but her margin
over Heseltine had to be equivalent to 15 percent of the 372
Conservative MPs in order to win the leadership election outright;
she came up four votes short.[189]
Thatcher initially stated that she intended to "fight on and fight
to win" the second ballot, but consultation with her Cabinet
persuaded her to withdraw.[183][190]
After seeing the Queen, calling other world leaders, and making one
final Commons speech,[191]
she left Downing Street in tears. She regarded her ousting as a
betrayal.
Thatcher was replaced as Prime Minister and party leader by her
Chancellor John Major, who oversaw an upturn in Conservative support
in the 17 months leading up to the
1992 general election and led the Conservatives to their fourth
successive victory on 9 April 1992.[193]
Thatcher favoured Major over Heseltine in the leadership contest,
but her support for him weakened in later years.[194]
Later life (1990–2013)
Thatcher returned to the
backbenches as MP for Finchley for two years after leaving the
premiership.[195]
She retired from the House at the 1992 election, aged 66, saying
that leaving the Commons would allow her more freedom to speak her
mind.[196]
Post-Commons
After leaving the House of Commons, Thatcher became the first
former Prime Minister to set up a foundation;[197]
the British wing was dissolved in 2005 because of financial
difficulties.[198]
She wrote two volumes of memoirs,
The Downing Street Years (1993) and
The Path to Power (1995). In 1991, she and her husband
Dennis moved to a house in
Chester Square, a residential garden square in central London's
Belgravia district.[199]
In July 1992, Thatcher was hired by the tobacco company
Philip
Morris as a "geopolitical consultant" for $250,000 per year and
an annual contribution of $250,000 to her foundation.[200]
She also earned $50,000 for each speech she delivered.[201]
In August 1992, Thatcher called for NATO to stop the Serbian
assault on
Goražde and
Sarajevo to end
ethnic cleansing during the
Bosnian War. She compared the situation in Bosnia to "the worst
excesses of the Nazis", and warned that there could be a
"holocaust".[202]
She made a series of speeches in the Lords criticising the
Maastricht Treaty,[196]
describing it as "a treaty too far" and stated "I could never have
signed this treaty".[203]
She cited
A. V. Dicey when stating that as all three main parties were in
favour of revisiting the treaty, the people should have their say.[204]
Thatcher was honorary
Chancellor of the
College of William and Mary in Virginia (1993–2000)[205]
and also of the
University of Buckingham (1992–1999), the UK's first private
university, which she had opened in 1975.[206]
After
Tony Blair's
election as Labour Party leader in 1994, Thatcher praised Blair
in an interview as "probably the most formidable Labour leader since
Hugh Gaitskell. I see a lot of socialism behind their front
bench, but not in Mr Blair. I think he genuinely has moved".[207]
In 1998, Thatcher called for the release of former Chilean
dictator
Augusto Pinochet when Spain had him
arrested and sought to try him for human rights violations,
citing the help he gave Britain during the Falklands War.[208]
In 1999, she visited him while he was under house arrest near
London.[209]
Pinochet was released in March 2000 on medical grounds by the Home
Secretary
Jack Straw, without facing trial.[210]
In the
2001 general election, Thatcher supported the Conservative
general election campaign, as she had done in 1992 and 1997, and in
the
Conservative leadership election shortly after, she supported
Iain Duncan Smith over Kenneth Clarke.[211]
In March 2002, Thatcher's book
Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World, dedicated to
Ronald Reagan, was released. In it, she claimed there would be no
peace in the Middle East until
Saddam Hussein was toppled, that Israel must trade land for
peace, and that the European Union (EU) was "fundamentally
unreformable", "a classic
utopian
project, a monument to the vanity of intellectuals, a programme
whose inevitable destiny is failure". She argued that Britain should
renegotiate its terms of membership or else leave the EU and join
the
North American Free Trade Area. The book was serialised in
The Times on 18 March.
Thatcher suffered several small strokes in 2002 and was advised
by her doctors not to engage in further public speaking.[212]
On 23 March, she announced that on the advice of her doctors she
would cancel all planned speaking engagements and accept no more.[213]
Husband's death
Sir
Denis Thatcher died of heart failure on 26 June 2003 and was
cremated on 3 July.[214]
She had paid tribute to him in The Downing Street Years,
writing "Being Prime Minister is a lonely job. In a sense, it ought
to be: you cannot lead from the crowd. But with Denis there I was
never alone. What a man. What a husband. What a friend."
Final years
On 11 June 2004, Thatcher attended the state funeral service for
Ronald Reagan.[216]
She delivered her eulogy via videotape; in view of her health, the
message had been pre-recorded several months earlier.[217]
Thatcher flew to
California with the Reagan entourage, and attended the memorial
service and interment ceremony for the president at the
Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.[218]
Thatcher attends a Washington memorial service marking
the 5th anniversary of the
September 11 attacks, pictured with Vice President
Dick Cheney and his wife
Thatcher celebrated her 80th birthday at the
Mandarin Oriental Hotel in
Hyde Park, London, on 13 October 2005; guests included the
Queen,
the Duke of Edinburgh,
Princess Alexandra and Tony Blair.[219]
Geoffrey Howe, by then Lord Howe of Aberavon, was also present, and
said of his former leader: "Her real triumph was to have transformed
not just one party but two, so that when Labour did eventually
return, the great bulk of Thatcherism was accepted as irreversible."[220]
According to a later article in The Daily Telegraph,
Thatcher's daughter Carol first revealed that her mother had
dementia in 2005, saying that "Mum doesn't read much any more
because of her memory loss .. It's pointless. She can't remember the
beginning of a sentence by the time she reaches the end."[221]
She later recounted how she was first struck by her mother's
dementia when she muddled the Falklands conflict with the Yugoslav
wars; she has also recalled the pain of needing to tell her mother
repeatedly that Denis Thatcher was dead.[222]
In 2006, Thatcher attended the official Washington, D.C. memorial
service to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the
September 11 attacks on the United States. She was a guest of
Vice President
Dick Cheney, and met
Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice during her visit.[223]
In February 2007, Thatcher became the first living British Prime
Minister to be honoured with a
statue in the Houses of Parliament. The bronze statue stands
opposite that of her political hero, Sir
Winston Churchill,[224]
and was unveiled on 21 February 2007 with Thatcher in attendance;
she made a rare and brief speech in the members' lobby of the House
of Commons, responding: "I might have preferred iron – but bronze
will do ... It won't rust."[224]
The statue shows her addressing the House of Commons, with her right
arm outstretched.[225]
She was a public supporter of the
Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism and the
resulting Prague Process, and sent a public letter of support to its
preceding conference.[226]
After collapsing at a House of Lords dinner, Thatcher was
admitted to
St Thomas' Hospital in central London on 7 March 2008 for tests.
In 2009 she was hospitalised again when she fell and broke her arm.[227]
Thatcher returned to 10 Downing Street in late November 2009 for
the unveiling of an official portrait by artist
Richard Stone,[228]
an unusual honour for a living ex-Prime Minister. Stone had
previously painted portraits of the Queen and the
Queen Mother.[228]
On 4 July 2011, Thatcher was to attend a ceremony for the
unveiling of a 10-foot statue to former American President Ronald
Reagan, outside the
American Embassy in London, but was unable to attend because of
frail health.[229]
On 31 July 2011, it was announced that her office in the House of
Lords had been closed.[230]
Earlier that month, Thatcher had been named the most competent
British Prime Minister of the past 30 years in an
Ipsos MORI poll.[231]
Death
Following several years of poor health, Thatcher died on the
morning of 8 April 2013 at the age of 87 after suffering a
stroke.
She had been staying at a suite in
The Ritz Hotel in London since December 2012 after having
difficulty with stairs at her Chester Square home.[232]
Reactions to the news of Thatcher's death were mixed, ranging
from tributes lauding her as Britain's greatest-ever peacetime Prime
Minister to public celebrations and expressions of personalised
vitriol.[233]
Details of her funeral were agreed with her in advance.[234]
In line with her wishes she received a
ceremonial funeral, including full military honours, with a
church service at
St Paul's Cathedral on 17 April.[235][236]
Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip attended the funeral,[237]
the second time in the Queen's reign that she had attended the
funeral of a former prime minister.[238]
Legacy
Political legacy
Thatcher defined her own political philosophy, in a major and
controversial break with
One Nation Conservatives like her predecessor Edward Heath,[239]
in her statement to Douglas Keay, published in
Woman's Own magazine in September 1987:
I think we have gone through a period when too many children
and people have been given to understand "I have a problem,
it is the Government's job to cope with it!" or "I have a
problem, I will go and get a grant to cope with it!" "I am
homeless, the Government must house me!" and so they are
casting their problems on society and who is society? There
is no such thing! There are individual men and women and
there are families and no government can do anything except
through people and people look to themselves first. It is
our duty to look after ourselves and then also to help look
after our neighbour and life is a reciprocal business and
people have got the entitlements too much in mind without
the obligations. [240]
The percentage of adults owning shares rose from 7% to 25% during
her tenure, and more than a million families bought their council
houses, giving an increase from 55 per cent to 67 per cent in
owner-occupiers from 1979 to 1990. The houses were sold at a
discount of 33-55 per cent, leading to large profits for some new
owners. Personal wealth rose by 80 per cent in real terms during the
1980s, mainly due to rising house prices and increased earnings.
Shares in the privatised utilities were sold below their market
value to ensure quick and wide sales, rather than maximise national
income.
Thatcher's premiership was also marked by high unemployment and
social unrest,[242]
and many critics on the Left of the political spectrum fault her
economic policies for the unemployment level; many of the areas
affected by high unemployment as well as her
monetarist economic policies have still not fully recovered and
are blighted by social problems such as drug abuse and family
breakdown.[243]
Speaking in Scotland in April 2009, before the 30th anniversary of
her election as Prime Minister, Thatcher insisted she had no regrets
and was right to introduce the
poll tax, and to withdraw subsidies from "outdated industries,
whose markets were in terminal decline", subsidies that created "the
culture of dependency, which had done such damage to Britain".[244]
Political economist
Susan Strange called the new financial growth model "casino
capitalism", reflecting her view that speculation and financial
trading were becoming more important to the economy than industry.[245]
She has been criticised as being divisive[246]
and for promoting greed and selfishness.[242]
Many recent biographers have been critical of aspects of the
Thatcher years and
Michael White, writing in the
New Statesman in February 2009, challenged the view that her
reforms had brought a net benefit.[247]
Despite being Britain's first woman Prime Minister, some critics
contend Thatcher did "little to advance the political cause of
women",[248]
either within her party or the government, and some British
feminists regarded her as "an enemy".[249]
Her stance on immigration was perceived by some as part of a rising
racist public discourse, which Professor Martin Barker has called "new
racism".[250]
Influenced at the outset by
Keith Joseph,[251]
the term "Thatcherism"
came to refer to her policies as well as aspects of her ethical
outlook and personal style, including
moral absolutism,
nationalism,
interest in the individual, and an uncompromising approach to
achieving political goals.[nb
4] The nickname "Iron Lady", originally given to her by
the Soviets, became associated with her uncompromising politics and
leadership style.[252][253][254]
Thatcher's tenure of 11 years and 209 days as Prime Minister was
the longest since
Lord Salisbury (13 years and 252 days in three spells starting
in 1885), and the longest continuous period in office since
Lord Liverpool (14 years and 305 days starting in 1812).[189][255]
She was voted the fourth-greatest British Prime Minister of the 20th
century in a poll of 139 academics organised by
MORI,[256]
and in 2002 was ranked number 16 in the BBC poll of the
100 Greatest Britons.[257]
In 1999,
TIME named Thatcher one of the
100 Most Important People of the 20th Century.[258]
Thatcher's death prompted
mixed reactions, including reflections of criticism as well as
praise.[259][260][261]
Groups celebrated her death in Brixton, Leeds, Bristol and Glasgow,[262][263][264]
and a crowd of 3000 gathered in
Trafalgar Square to celebrate her demise and protest against her
legacy.[265]
Shortly after Thatcher's death, Scotland's
First Minister
Alex Salmond argued that her policies had the "unintended
consequence" of encouraging Scottish devolution.[266]
Lord Foulkes agreed on
Scotland Tonight that she had provided "the impetus" for
devolution.[267]
Honours
Thatcher became a
Privy Councillor (PC) upon becoming Secretary of State for
Education and Science in 1970.[268]
She was appointed a
Member of the Order of Merit (OM) (an order within the personal
gift of the Queen) within two weeks of leaving office. Denis
Thatcher was made a
Baronet at the same time.[269]
She became a peer in the House of Lords in 1992 with a
life peerage as Baroness Thatcher, of
Kesteven in the County of Lincolnshire.[196][270]
She was appointed a Lady Companion of the
Order of the Garter, the UK's highest order of
chivalry, in 1995.[271]
She was elected as a
Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1983, which caused
controversy among the existing Fellows.[22]
She was the first woman entitled to full membership rights as an
honorary member of the
Carlton Club on becoming leader of the Conservative Party in
1975.[272]
In the Falklands, Margaret Thatcher Day has been marked every 10
January since 1992,[273]
commemorating her visit in 1983.[274]
Thatcher Drive in
Stanley is named for her, as is
Thatcher Peninsula in
South Georgia, where the task force troops first set foot on the
Falklands.[273]
Thatcher was awarded the
Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honour
awarded by the US.[275]
She was a patron of
The Heritage Foundation,[276]
which established the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom in 2005.[277]
Speaking of Heritage president
Ed Feulner, at the first Clare Booth Luce lecture in September
1993, Thatcher said: "You didn't just advise President Reagan on
what he should do; you told him how he could do it. And as a
practising politician I can testify that that is the only advice
worth having."[278]
Cultural
depictions
Thatcher was the subject or the inspiration for 1980s
protest songs.
Billy Bragg and
Paul Weller helped to form the
Red Wedge collective to support Labour in opposition to
Thatcher.[279]
Thatcher was lampooned by satirist
John Wells in several media. Wells collaborated with
Richard Ingrams on the spoof "Dear
Bill" letters which ran as a column in
Private Eye magazine, were published in book form, and were
then adapted into a West End stage revue as Anyone for Denis?,
starring Wells as Denis Thatcher. The stage show was followed by a
1982 TV special directed by
Dick Clement.[280]
Spitting Image, a British TV show, satirised Thatcher as a
bully who ridiculed her own ministers.[281]
She was voiced by
Steve Nallon.[282]
One of the earliest satires of Thatcher as Prime Minister
involved Wells (as writer/performer),
Janet Brown (voicing Thatcher) and future Spitting Image
producer
John Lloyd who in 1979 were teamed up by producer
Martin Lewis for the satirical audio album The Iron Lady
consisting of skits and songs satirising Thatcher's rise to power.
The album was released in September 1979, four months after Thatcher
became Premier.[283][284]
Margaret Thatcher has been depicted in many television
programmes, documentaries, films and plays. She was played by
Patricia Hodge in
Ian Curteis's long unproduced
The Falklands Play (2002) and by
Andrea Riseborough in the TV film
The Long Walk to Finchley (2008). She is the titular
character in two films, portrayed by
Lindsay Duncan in
Margaret (2009) and by
Meryl Streep in
The Iron Lady (2011),[285]
in which she is depicted as having
Alzheimer's disease.[286]
Styles and
titles
- Miss Margaret Roberts (1925–1951)
- Mrs Margaret Thatcher (1951–1959)
- Mrs Margaret Thatcher, MP (1959–1970)
- The Rt Hon. Margaret Thatcher, MP (1970–1983)
- The Rt Hon. Margaret Thatcher, MP, FRS (1983–1990)
- The Rt Hon. Lady Thatcher, OM, MP, FRS (1990–1992)
- The Rt Hon. The Baroness Thatcher, OM, PC, FRS (1992–1995)
- The Rt Hon. The Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, PC, FRS
(1995–2013)
Arms
Arms of Margaret Thatcher
|
|
Notes |
|
|
|
Adopted |
1992
|
|
Coronet |
|
|
Escutcheon |
|
|
Supporters |
|
|
Motto |
CHERISH FREEDOM
|
|
Orders |
|
|
Symbolism |
The dexter supporter is an Admiral of the Royal
Navy, to commemorate the victory of the
Falklands War during her premiership. The
sinister supporter is Sir Isaac Newton, to
recognise her earlier career as a scientist. The
key and the two royal lions of England
represents her tenure as Prime Minister and
First Lord of the Treasury. The tower and
portcullis represents her time at the Palace of
Westminster as Member of Parliament. She bears
this achievement on a lozenge (as is traditional
for a woman), surrounded by the circlet of the
Order of the Garter (in which she was appointed
in 1995), below hangs the ribbon and insignia of
the Order of Merit (in which she was appointed
in 1990). [287]
|
|
References
Notes
-
^ In her
foreword to the 1979 Conservative manifesto, Thatcher wrote
of "a feeling of helplessness, that a once great nation has
somehow fallen behind".[1]
-
^ "The hang-up
has always been the voice. Not the timbre so much as, well,
the tone—the condescending explanatory whine which
treats the squirming interlocutor as an eight-year-old child
with personality deficiencies. It has been fascinating,
recently, to watch her striving to eliminate this. BBC2
News Extra on Tuesday night rolled a clip from May 1973
demonstrating the Thatcher sneer at full pitch. (She was
saying that she wouldn't dream of seeking the
leadership.) She sounded like a cat sliding down a
blackboard."
James, Clive (9 February 1975). The Observer
(London).
Anthologised in
James 1977, pp. 119–120.
-
^ Speaking to
the
House of Commons, Thatcher stated that "the United
States has more than 330,000 members of her forces in Europe
to defend our liberty. Because they are here, they are
subject to terrorist attack. It is inconceivable that they
should be refused the right to use American aircraft and
American pilots in the inherent right of self-defence, to
defend their own people."[169]
-
^
Nigel Lawson listed the Thatcherite ideals as: "Free
markets, financial discipline, firm control over public
expenditure, tax cuts, nationalism, 'Victorian values' (of
the
Samuel Smiles self-help variety), privatisation and a
dash of populism."
Lawson 1992, p. 64
Footnotes
-
^
Thatcher, Margaret (1979).
"Conservative Party Manifesto 1979". Foreword.
conservativemanifesto.com.
Retrieved 28 July 2009.
-
^
a
b
Beckett 2006, p. 3
-
^
a
b
Beckett 2006, p. 8
-
^
Johnson, Maureen (28 May 1988).
"Bible-Quoting Thatcher Stirs Furious Debate". Associated
Press.
-
^
Beckett 2006, p. 5
-
^
Beckett 2006, p. 6
-
^
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Further reading
- Biographies
Political analysis
Books by Thatcher
- Ministerial autobiographies
External links
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