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WIKIMAG n. 7 - Giugno 2013 
Potential superpowers

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The present-day governments that have been claimed to become (or to remain) superpowers during the 21st century.
  United States - Existing superpower [1][2]
  Brazil
  China
  India
  Russia

A potential superpower is a state or a political and economic entity that is speculated to be, or is in the process of becoming, a superpower at some point in the 21st century. Presently, only the United States fulfils the criteria to be considered a superpower.[3][4] States most commonly mentioned as being potential superpowers are Brazil,[5][6][dead link][7][dead link] China,[8] India, Russia[9][10] (the BRIC countries), and the European Union (a supranational entity),[11] based on a variety of factors. Collectively, these potential superpowers and the United States comprise 66.6% of global nominal GDP, 62.2% of global GDP (PPP) (EU alone well above 20%), more than one third of the total land area and more than 50% of the world's population.

Predictions made in the past have not been perfect. For example, in the 1980s, many political and economic analysts predicted that Japan would eventually accede to superpower status, due to its large population, huge gross domestic product and high economic growth at that time.[12][13] Though still the world's third-largest economy as of 2012 in terms of nominal GDP, Japan has faced an ongoing period of weak growth since the Lost Decade of the 1990s, and has been suffering from an aging population since the early 2000s, eroding its potential as a superpower.[14]

Contents

Brazil

Federative Republic of Brazil

The Federative Republic of Brazil is considered by a number of analysts and academics a potential superpower of the 21st century.[5][6][dead link][7][dead link]

In a 2009 lecture entitled Brazil as an Emerging World Power,[5] presented at the Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies at Cornell University, Leslie Elliot Armijo has said that "Brazil will soon rise as Latin America’s first superpower." Armijo states that "Brazil keeps solidifying itself as leader of its region by launching a series of integration projects," adding also that "as an international actor, Brazil has also taken a larger share of world politics by incrementing its already strong presence in economic initiatives, such as the International Finance Facility and the G20," asserting that "Brazil’s rising prominence derives from its solid democratic rule and its strong economy" and concluding that "Soon, we’ll have two superpowers in the Western Hemisphere."[5][15][dead link]

Elizabeth Reavey, a research associate from the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, claims in the title of her 2008 article that While the US Looks Eastward Brazil Is Emerging as a Nuclear Superpower.[6][dead link] Describing the importance of the ongoing development of nuclear technology in the country, she calls Brazil an emerging superpower, with a "potential to have a China-like, booming economy, increased nuclear capabilities, a growing self-confidence in its own power and an ability to make its own way."

Brazil is often called an economic superpower,[16][17] either present[18] or future, and many experts and journalists compare Brazil with the other potential superpowers of the BRIC group. Jonathan Power from Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research claims in his 2006 article Brazil is Becoming an Economic and Political Superpower that "Brazil has a head start on India and China," saying that it has been positively developing for over 100 years, and adding that "between 1960 and 1980 Brazil doubled its per capita income."[7] Power also speculates that Brazil "has a good chance of emerging as the world’s first economic superpower without nuclear weapons." The lack of declared enemies and the fact it has not engaged in any large scale conflicts since the end of the Second World War also contributed for Brazil to so far not maintaining an aggressive military force like the other great powers.

Contrary views

There are, however, numerous obstacles to Brazil reaching superpower status. According to Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman, recognising Brazil's current economic strength is “not the same as [saying] it will become the economic superpower [anytime soon].”[19] Similarly, energy analyst Mark Burger writes that Brazil, in general, will improve its energy situation, but not to the point of being an energy superpower.[20]

The much higher rate of crime in the country compared to all the other potential superpowers, stubbornly high levels of income and education inequality, social polarization, and the future of the much less developed northern regions of the country remain concerns.[citation needed]

Furthermore, a country needs to achieve great power status first, before becoming a superpower, and it could be disputed whether Brazil currently qualifies as a great power.

China

People's Republic of China

The People's Republic of China receives continual coverage in the popular press of its potential superpower status,[21] and has been identified as a rising or emerging economic and military superpower by academics and other experts. In fact, the "rise of China" has been named the top news story of the 21st century by the Global Language Monitor, as measured by number of appearances in the global print and electronic media, on the Internet and blogosphere, and in Social Media.[22][23][24][25][26] The term "Second Superpower" has also been applied by scholars to the possibility that the People's Republic of China could emerge as a "second superpower," with global power and influence on par with the United States.[27][28][29] The potential for the two countries to form stronger relations to address global issues is sometimes referred to as the Group of Two.

Barry Buzan asserted in 2004 that "China certainly presents the most promising all-round profile" of a potential superpower.[30] Buzan claimed that "China is currently the most fashionable potential superpower and the one whose degree of alienation from the dominant international society makes it the most obvious political challenger." However, he noted this challenge is constrained by the major challenges of development and by the fact that its rise could trigger a counter coalition of states in Asia.

Parag Khanna stated in 2008 that by making massive trade and investment deals with Latin America and Africa, China had established its presence as a superpower along with the European Union and the United States. China's rise is demonstrated by its ballooning share of trade in its gross domestic product. He believed that China's "consultative style" had allowed it to develop political and economic ties with many countries including those viewed as rogue states by the United States. He stated that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization founded with Russia and the Central Asian countries may eventually be the "NATO of the East".[31]

Economist and author of Eclipse: Living in the Shadow of China's Economic Dominance Arvind Subramanian argued in 2012 that China will direct the world's financial system by 2020 and that the Chinese renminbi will replace the dollar as the world's reserve currency in 10 to 15 years. The United States' soft power will remain longer. He stated that "China was a top dog economically for thousands of years prior to the Ming Dynasty. In some ways, the past few hundred years have been an aberration."[32]

Lawrence Saez at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, argued in 2011 that the United States will be surpassed by China as military superpower within twenty years. Regarding economic power, the Director of the China Center for Economic Reform at Peking University Yao Yang stated that "Assuming that the Chinese and U.S. economies grow, respectively, by 8% and 3% in real terms, that China's inflation rate is 3.6% and America's is 2% (the averages of the last decade), and that the renminbi appreciates against the dollar by 3% per year (the average of the last six years), China will become the world's largest economy by 2021. By that time, both countries' GDP will be about $24 trillion."[33]

Historian Timothy Garton Ash argued in 2011, pointing to factors such as the International Monetary Fund predicting that China's GDP (purchasing power parity adjusted) will overtake that of the United States in 2016, that a power shift to a world with several superpowers was happening "Now". However, China was still lacking in soft power and power projection abilities and had a low GDP/person. The article also stated that the Pew Research Center in a 2009 survey found that people in 15 out of 22 countries believed that China had or would overtake the US as the world's leading superpower.[34]

In an interview given in 2011, Singapore's first premier, Lee Kuan Yew, stated that while China supplanting the United States is not a forgone conclusion, Chinese leaders are nonetheless serious about displacing the United States as the most powerful country in Asia. “They have transformed a poor society by an economic miracle to become now the second-largest economy in the world. How could they not aspire to be number 1 in Asia, and in time the world?”[35] The Chinese strategy, Yew maintains, will revolve around their “huge and increasingly highly skilled and educated workers to out-sell and out-build all others.”[36] Nevertheless, relations with the United States, at least in the medium term, will not take a turn for the worst because China will “avoid any action that will sour up relations with the U.S. To challenge a stronger and technologically superior power like the U.S. will abort their ‘peaceful rise.'"[36] Though Yew believes China is genuinely interested in growing within the global framework the United States has created, it is biding its time until it becomes strong enough to successfully redefine the prevailing political and economic order.[37]

Chinese foreign policy advisor Wang Jisi in 2012 stated that many Chinese officials see China as a first-class power which should be treated as such. China is argued to soon become the world's largest economy and to be making rapid progress in many areas. The United States is seen as a declining superpower as indicated by factors such as poor economic recovery, financial disorder, high deficit and unemployment, and increasing political polarization.[38][39]

Contrary views

Geoffrey Murphay's China: The Next Superpower (2008) argued that while the potential for China is high, this is fairly perceived only by looking at the risks and obstacles China faces in managing its population and resources. The political situation in China may become too fragile to survive into superpower status according to Susan Shirk in China: Fragile Superpower (2008).[40] Other factors that could constrain China's ability to become a superpower in the future include limited supplies of energy and raw materials, questions over its innovation capability, inequality and corruption, and risks to social stability and the environment.

Minxin Pei argued in 2010 that China is not a superpower and it will not be one anytime soon and argued that China faces daunting political and economic challenges.[41] In 2012 he argued that China, despite using economic power to influence some nations, has few real friends or allies and is surrounded by potentially hostile nations. This situation could improve if regional territorial disputes would be resolved and China would participate in an effective regional defense system that would reduce the fears of its neighbors. Alternatively, a democratization of China would dramatically improve foreign relations with many nations.[42]

Amy Chua stated in 2007 that whether a country has enough pull to bring immigrants is an important quality for a superpower. She also wrote that China lacks the pull to bring scientists, thinkers, and innovators from other countries as immigrants. However, she believed that China made up for this with its own diaspora, and said that size and resources for them are unparalleled.[43]

European Union

European Union

The European Union (EU) has been called an emerging superpower by academics.[11][44] Many scholars and academics like T.R. Reid,[45] Andrew Reding,[46] Andrew Moravcsik,[47] Mark Leonard,[48] Jeremy Rifkin,[49] John McCormick,[50] and some politicians like Romano Prodi[51] and Tony Blair[52][53] either believe that the EU is, or will become, a superpower in the 21st century.

Mark Leonard cites several factors: the EU's large population, large economy (the EU has the largest economy in the world), low inflation rates, the unpopularity and perceived failure of US foreign policy in recent years, and certain EU member states' high quality of life (especially when measured in terms such as hours worked per week, health care, social services).[54]

John McCormick believes that the EU has already achieved superpower status, based on the size and global reach of its economy and on its global political influence. He argues that the nature of power has changed since the Cold War-driven definition of superpower was developed, and that military power is no longer essential to great power; he argues that control of the means of production is more important than control of the means of destruction, and contrasts the threatening hard power of the United States with the opportunities offered by the soft power wielded by the European Union.[55]

Parag Khanna believes that the EU, together with China, has already achieved superpower status and rivals the US for influence around the world.[56][57] He also mentions the large economy of the EU, that European technologies more and more set the global standards and that European countries give the most development assistance. He agrees with McCormick that the EU does not need a common army to be a superpower. The EU uses intelligence and the police to apprehend radical Islamists, social policy to try to integrate restive Muslim populations and economic strength to incorporate the former Soviet Union and gradually subdue Russia.[56] Khanna also writes that South America, East Asia, and other regions prefer to emulate the "European Dream" than the American variant.[58] This could possibly be seen in the African Union and UNASUR. Notably, the EU as a whole is among the most culturally diverse "entities" on the planet,[59] with some of the world's largest and most influential languages being official within its borders.[60]

Andrew Reding also takes the future EU enlargement into account. An eventual future accession of the rest of Europe, the whole of Russia, and Turkey, would not only boost the economy of the EU, but it would also increase the EU's population to about 800 million, which he considers almost equal to that of India or China. The EU is qualitatively different from India and China since it is enormously more prosperous and technologically advanced.[46] Turkish PM Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said in 2005: "In 10 or 15 years, the EU will be a place where civilizations meet. It will be a superpower with the inclusion of Turkey." [61]

Robert J. Guttman wrote in 2001 that the very definition of the term superpower has changed and in the 21st century, it does not only refer to states with military power, but also to groups such as the European Union, with strong market economics, young, highly educated workers savvy in high technology, and a global vision.[62] Friis Arne Petersen, the Danish ambassador to the US, has expressed similar views. He conceded that the EU is a “special kind of superpower,” one that has yet to establish a unified military force that exerts itself even close to the same level as many of its individual members.[63]

Additionally, it is argued by commentators that full political integration is not required for the European Union to wield international influence: that its apparent weaknesses constitute its real strengths (as of its low profile diplomacy and the emphasis on the rule of law)[55] and that the EU represents a new and potentially more successful type of international actor than traditional ones;[64] however, it is uncertain if the effectiveness of such an influence would be equal to that of a politically integrated superpower such as the United States.[65]

Barry Buzan notes that the EU's potential superpower status depends on its "stateness". It is unclear though how much state-like quality is needed for the EU to be described as a superpower. Buzan states that the EU is likely to remain a potential superpower for a long time because although it has material wealth, its "political weakness and its erratic and difficult course of internal political development, particularly as regards a common foreign and defence policy" constrains it from being a superpower.[30]

Alexander Stubb, the Finnish Minister for Foreign Affairs, has said that he thinks the EU is both a superpower and not a superpower. While the EU is a superpower in the sense that it is the largest political union, single market and aid donor in the world, it is not a superpower in the defense or foreign policy spheres. Like Barry Buzan, Alexander Stubb thinks that the most major factor constraining the EU’s rise to superpower status is its lack of statehood in the international system, other factors are its lack of internal drive to project power worldwide, and continued preference for the sovereign nation-state amongst some Europeans. To counterbalance these, he urged the EU leaders to approve and ratify the Lisbon Treaty (which they did in 2009), create an EU foreign ministry (EEAS, led by High Representative Catherine Ashton, will be finished in 2012), develop a common EU defense, hold one collective seat at the UN Security Council and G8, and address what he described as the “sour mood” toward the EU prevalent in some European countries today.[66]

Contrary views

Some do not believe that the EU will achieve superpower status. "The EU is not and never will be a superpower" according to the former UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs David Miliband.[67] Lacking a unified foreign policy and with an inability to project military power worldwide, the EU lacks "the substance of superpowers," who by definition have "first of all military reach [and] possess the capacity to arrive quickly anywhere with troops that can impose their government's will.".[68] EU parliamentarian Ilka Schroeder argues that conflicts such as the Israeli-Palestinian dispute see close EU involvement largely to compensate for European inability to project military power internationally.[69]

The Economist's Robert Lane Greene notes that the lack of a strong European military only exacerbates the lack of unified EU foreign policy and discounts any EU arguments towards superpower status, noting especially that the EU's creation of a global response force rivaling the superpower's (United States of America) is "unthinkable."[70] The biggest barrier to European superpowerdom is that European elites refuse to bring their postmodern fantasies about the illegitimacy of military "hard power" into line with the way the rest of the world interprets reality" according to Soren Kern of Strategic Studies Group.[71]

Britain's Michael Howard has warned against the "worry" that many Europeans are pushing for greater EU integration to counterbalance the United States,[72] while Europe's total reliance on soft (non-military) power is in part because of its lack of a "shared identity." [73] While to some the European Union should be a "model power" unafraid of using military force and backing free trade, its military shortcomings argue against superpower status.[74]

India

Republic of India

Several media publications and academics have discussed the Republic of India's potential of becoming a superpower.[75][76][77] Newsweek and the International Herald Tribune join several academics in discussing India's potential of becoming a superpower.[77][78]

Anil Gupta is almost certain that India will become a superpower in the 21st century. As an example, he states that due to India's functional institutions of democracy and its relatively corruption-free society, it will emerge as a desirable, entrepreneurial and resource and energy-efficient superpower in the near future. He predicts that by 2015 India will overtake China to be the fastest growing economy in the world and emerge as a full-fledged economic superpower by 2025. In addition to that, he states, India has the potential to serve as a leading example of how to combine rapid economic growth with fairness towards and inclusion of those at the bottom rungs of the ladder and of efficient resource utilization, especially in energy.[79]

Robyn Meredith claims that both India and China will be superpowers. However, she points out that China is decades ahead of India, and that the average Chinese person is better off than the average Indian person.[80] Amy Chua also adds to this, stating that while India's potential for superpower is great, it still faces many problems such as "pervasive rural poverty, entrenched corruption, and high inequality just to name a few". Also like China, India lacks the "pull" for immigrants, and Indians still continue to emigrate in large numbers. However, she notes that India has made tremendous strides to fix this, stating that some of India's achievements, such as working to dismantle the centuries-old caste system and maintaining the world's largest diverse democracy is historically unprecedented.[43]

Fareed Zakaria also believes that India has a fine chance at becoming a superpower, pointing out that India's young population coupled with the second largest English-speaking population in the world could give India an advantage over China. He also believes that while other industrial countries will face a youth gap, India will have lots of young people, or in other words, workers. According to Zakaria, another strength that India has is that despite being one of the poorer countries in the world, its democratic government has lasted for 60 years, stating that a democracy can provide for long-term stability.[81]

Founder and President of the Economic Strategy Institute and former counselor to the Secretary of Commerce in the Reagan Administration Clyde V. Prestowitz Jr. has predicted that "It is going to be India's century. India is going to be the biggest economy in the world. It is going to be the biggest superpower of the 21st century."[82]

Contrary views

Parag Khanna believes that India is not, nor will it become a superpower for the foreseeable future, lagging decades behind China in both development and strategic appetite.[83] Instead, he believes India will be a key swing state along with Russia.[84] He says that India is "big but not important", has a highly successful professional class, while millions of its citizens still live in extreme poverty. He also writes that it matters that China borders a dozen more countries than India and is not hemmed in by a vast ocean and the world's tallest mountains. China has a loyal diaspora twice the size of India's and enjoys a head start in Asian and African marketplaces.[85] However in a recent article written by Parag Khanna, he says that India, along with China will grow ever stronger, while other powers, like Europe, muddle along.[86]

Lant Pritchett, reviewing the book In Spite of the Gods: The Strange Rise of Modern India, writes that, while India has had impressive growth and has some world class institutions, several other indicators are puzzlingly poor. The malnutrition in India and the coverage of immunization programs are at levels similar or worse than in much poorer sub-Saharan African nations. In the Demographic and Health Surveys India's child malnutrition was the worst of the 42 nations with comparable and recent data.[87] Adult literacy is low. In one study 26% of teachers were absent from work and 1/3 of those showing up did not teach. 40% of health care workers were absent from work. Corruption is high. Caste politics in India remains an important force. Pritchett argues that a very large population, a very long statistical "tail" of high quality students, and some very good higher education institutions gives a misleading impression of Indian education. Indian students placed forty-first and thirty-seventh in a study comparing students in the two Indian states Orissa and Rajasthan to the forty-six nations in the 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study.[87]

Despite being the world’s seventh largest military spender, retaining a nuclear stockpile of at least 80 warheads, and boasting $48.9 billion defense budget, India—according to a 2013 report by The Economist—lacks strategic ambition usually associated with great powers. “Apart from the always-vocal press and New Delhi’s lively think tanks, India and its leaders show little interest in military or strategic issues.”[88] Though it has fought limited wars with China and Pakistan, India’s “political class shows little sign of knowing or caring how the country’s military clout should be deployed.”[88] The absence of a strategic culture has undermined India’s procurement system, leaving the country dependent on foreigners for military modernization. “The defense industrial sector, dominated by the sprawling Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO), remains stuck in state control and the country’s protectionist past. According to a recent defense ministry audit, only 29% of the products developed by the DRDO in the past 17 years have entered service with the armed forces. The organization is a byword for late-arriving and expensive flops.”[88]

Russia

Russian Federation

The Russian Federation has been suggested by some as a potential candidate for resuming superpower status in the 21st century.[9][10]

According to economist Steven Rosefielde of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, Russia intends to "reemerge as a full-fledged superpower," and "contrary to conventional wisdom, this goal is easily within the Kremlin's grasp, but the cost to the Russian people and global security would be immense."[89] Rosefielde further argues that Russia "has an intact military-industrial complex...and the mineral wealth to reactivate its dormant structurally militarized potential," and that "supply-side constraints don't preclude a return to prodigal superpowerdom".[89][90]

Military analyst Alexander Golts of The St. Petersburg Times argues that President Vladimir Putin's confrontations with the U.S. on nuclear issues are in pursuit of regaining superpower status for Russia.[91] It has been argued that Russia's foreign policy toward bordering countries is designed with the ultimate goal of regaining superpower status.[92] Mike Ritchie of industry analysts Energy Intelligence says "Russia was always a superpower that used its energy to win friends and influence among its former Soviet satellites. Nothing has really changed much. They are back in the same game, winning friends and influencing people and using their power to do so."[93]

Contrary views

Vladimir Radyuhin, writing in The Hindu, states that the political and economic systems of Russia are driving away the highly qualified and entrepreneurs with the population only stabilized by the immigration of unskilled laborers from other former Soviet States.[94] Russia's population has also been shrinking since the collapse of the Soviet Union, whilst the country also shows signs of having an aging population, points that Fred Weir believe constricts Russia's potential to re-emerge as a central world power.[95]

Comparison

  Population HDI GDP[A] Global 2000
firms
Patents
in force
Oil
reserves
[B]
Security
Council
IMF voting
power
IBRD voting
power
Defense
spending
[A]
Military
personnel
Nuclear
weapons
 Brazil 193,946,886 (5th) .730 (84th) $2,425 (7th) 31 (14th) 40,022 (18th) 12.9 (15th) Red X NO 1.72% (13th) 1.86% (12th) $35.4 (10th) 1,667,710 (10th) Red X NO
 China 1,347,338,352 (1st) .699 (100th) $8,250 (2nd) 136 (3rd) 696,939 (3rd) 14.8 (14th) Green tick YES 3.81% (7th) 3.25% (6th) $143.0 (2nd) 3,085,000 (4th) Green tick YES
 EU[C] 503,492,041 .876 $16,414 412 1,840,276 5.9 Red X NO[D] 30.59% 28.33% $261.7 4,343,789 Red X NO[E]
 India 1,210,193,422 (2nd) .554 (134th) $1,946 (10th) 56 (8th) 41,361 (14th) 5.7 (22nd) Red X NO 2.34% (10th) 3.08% (7th) $48.9 (7th) 4,467,821 (3rd) Green tick YES
 Russia 143,369,806 (9th) .788 (54th) $2,023 (8th) 30 (15th) 168,558 (7th) 60.0 (8th) Green tick YES 2.39% (9th) 2.44% (10th) $71.9 (3rd) 3,075,000 (5th) Green tick YES
 US 312,913,872 (3rd) .937 (3rd) $15,653 (1st) 543 (1st) 2,113,628 (1st) 20.7 (13th) Green tick YES 16.75% (1st) 15.14% (1st) $711.0 (1st) 8766 (7th) Green tick YES
^A billions $US ^B billions bbl ^C supranational union, not a proper state ^D the UK and France are permanent members ^E the UK and France have nuclear weapons, others participate in NATO nuclear sharing

See also

References

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  19. ^ Posted: Wednesday, Dec 09, 2009 at 2205 hrs IST (2009-12-09). "Brazil is not an economic superpower yet". Financialexpress.com. Retrieved 2012-02-10.
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CONDIZIONI DI USO DI QUESTO SITO
agg. 13.12.12
L'utente può utilizzare il sito ELINGUE solo se comprende e accetta quanto segue:

  • le risorse e i servizi linguistici presentati all'interno della cartella di sito denominata ELINGUE (www.englishgratis.com/elingue) , d'ora in poi definita "ELINGUE", sono accessibili solo previa sottoscrizione di un abbonamento a pagamento e si possono utilizzare esclusivamente per uso personale e non commerciale con tassativa esclusione di ogni condivisione comunque effettuata. Tutti i diritti sono riservati. La riproduzione anche parziale è vietata senza autorizzazione scritta.
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  • Le risorse costituite da codici di embed di YouTube e di altri siti che incoraggiano lo sharing delle loro risorse (video, libri, audio, immagini, foto ecc.) sono ovviamente di proprietà dei rispettivi siti. L'utente riconosce e accetta che 1) il sito di sharing che ce ne consente l'uso può in ogni momento revocare la disponibilità della risorsa 2) l'eventuale pubblicità che figura all'interno delle risorse non è inserita da noi ma dal sito di sharing 3) eventuali violazioni di copyright sono esclusiva responsabilità del sito di sharing mentre è ovviamente nostra cura scegliere risorse solo da siti di sharing che pratichino una politica rigorosa di controllo e interdizione delle violazioni di copyright.
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  • I servizi linguistici da noi forniti sulle pagine del sito ma erogati da aziende esterne (per esempio, la traduzione interattiva di Google Translate e Bing Translate realizzata rispettivamente da Google e da Microsoft, la vocalizzazione Text To Speech dei testi inglesi fornita da ReadSpeaker, il vocabolario inglese-italiano offerto da Babylon con la sua Babylon Box, il servizio di commenti sociali DISQUS e altri) sono ovviamente responsabilità di queste aziende esterne. Trattandosi di servizi interattivi basati su web, possono esserci delle interruzioni di servizio in relazione ad eventi di manutenzione o di sovraccarico dei server su cui non abbiamo alcun modo di influire. Per esperienza, comunque, tali interruzioni sono rare e di brevissima durata, saremo comunque grati ai nostri utenti che ce le vorranno segnalare.
  • Per quanto riguarda i servizi di traduzione automatica l'utente prende atto che sono forniti "as is" dall'azienda esterna che ce li eroga (Google o Microsoft). Nonostante le ovvie limitazioni, sono strumenti in continuo perfezionamento e sono spesso in grado di fornire all'utente, anche professionale, degli ottimi suggerimenti e spunti per una migliore traduzione.
  • In merito all'utilizzabilità del sito ELINGUE su tablet e cellulari a standard iOs, Android, Windows Phone e Blackberry facciamo notare che l'assenza di standard comuni si ripercuote a volte sulla fruibilità di certe prestazioni tipiche del nostro sito (come il servizio ReadSpeaker e la traduzione automatica con Google Translate). Mentre da parte nostra è costante lo sforzo di rendere sempre più compatibili il nostro sito con il maggior numero di piattaforme mobili, non possiamo però assicurare il pieno raggiungimento di questo obiettivo in quanto non dipende solo da noi. Chi desidera abbonarsi è dunque pregato di verificare prima di perfezionare l'abbonamento la compatibilità del nostro sito con i suoi dispositivi informatici, mobili e non, utilizzando le pagine di esempio che riproducono una pagina tipo per ogni tipologia di risorsa presente sul nostro sito. Non saranno quindi accettati reclami da parte di utenti che, non avendo effettuato queste prove, si trovino poi a non avere un servizio corrispondente a quello sperato. In tutti i casi, facciamo presente che utilizzando browser come Chrome e Safari su pc non mobili (desktop o laptop tradizionali) si ha la massima compatibilità e che il tempo gioca a nostro favore in quanto mano a mano tutti i grandi produttori di browser e di piattaforme mobili stanno convergendo, ognuno alla propria velocità, verso standard comuni.
  • Il sito ELINGUE, diversamente da English Gratis che vive anche di pubblicità, persegue l'obiettivo di limitare o non avere affatto pubblicità sulle proprie pagine in modo da garantire a chi studia l'assenza di distrazioni. Le uniche eccezioni sono 1) la promozione di alcuni prodotti linguistici realizzati e/o garantiti da noi 2) le pubblicità incorporate dai siti di sharing direttamente nelle risorse embeddate che non siamo in grado di escludere 3) le pubblicità eventualmente presenti nei box e player che servono ad erogare i servizi linguistici interattivi prima citati (Google, Microsoft, ReadSpeaker, Babylon ecc.).
  • Per quanto riguarda le problematiche della privacy, non effettuiamo alcun tracciamento dell'attività dell'utente sul nostro sito neppure a fini statistici. Tuttavia non possiamo escludere che le aziende esterne che ci offrono i loro servizi o le loro risorse in modalità sharing effettuino delle operazioni volte a tracciare le attività dell'utente sul nostro sito. Consigliamo quindi all'utente di utilizzare browser che consentano la disattivazione in blocco dei tracciamenti o l'inserimento di apposite estensioni di browser come Ghostery che consentono all'utente di bloccare direttamente sui browser ogni agente di tracciamento.
  • Le risposte agli utenti nella sezione di commenti sociali DISQUS sono fornite all'interno di precisi limiti di accettabilità dei quesiti posti dall'utente. Questi limiti hanno lo scopo di evitare che il servizio possa essere "abusato" attraverso la raccolta e sottoposizione alla redazione di ELINGUE di centinaia o migliaia di quesiti che intaserebbero il lavoro della redazione. Si prega pertanto l'utente di leggere attentamente e comprendere le seguenti limitazioni d'uso del servizio:
    - il servizio è moderato per garantire che non vengano pubblicati contenuti fuori tema o inadatti all'ambiente di studio online
    - la redazione di ELINGUE si riserva il diritto di editare gli interventi degli utenti per correzioni ortografiche e per chiarezza
    - il servizio è erogato solo agli utenti abbonati registrati gratuitamente al servizio di commenti sociali DISQUS
    - l'utente non può formulare più di un quesito al giorno
    - un quesito non può contenere, salvo eccezioni, più di una domanda
    - un utente non può assumere più nomi, identità o account di Disqus per superare i limiti suddetti
    - nell'ambito del servizio non sono forniti servizi di traduzione
    - la redazione di ELINGUE gestisce la priorità delle risposte in modo insindacabile da parte dell'utente
    - in tutti i casi, la redazione di ELINGUE è libera in qualsiasi momento di de-registrare temporaneamente l'utente abbonato dal
      servizio DISQUS qualora sussistano fondati motivi a suo insindacabile giudizio. La misura verrà comunque attuata solo in casi di
      eccezionale gravità.
  • L'utente, inoltre, accetta di tenere Casiraghi Jones Publishing SRL indenne da qualsiasi tipo di responsabilità per l'uso - ed eventuali conseguenze di esso - delle informazioni linguistiche e grammaticali contenute sul sito, in particolare, nella sezione Disqus. Le nostre risposte grammaticali sono infatti improntate ad un criterio di praticità e pragmaticità che a volte è in conflitto con la rigidità delle regole "ufficiali" che tendono a proporre un inglese schematico e semplificato dimenticando la ricchezza e variabilità della lingua reale. Anche l'occasionale difformità tra le soluzioni degli esercizi e le regole grammaticali fornite nella grammatica va concepita come stimolo a formulare domande alla redazione onde poter spiegare più nei dettagli le particolarità della lingua inglese che non possono essere racchiuse in un'opera grammaticale di carattere meramente introduttivo come la nostra grammatica online.

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